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Dockworkers (also known as waterfront workers) in the United States city of New Orleans at the turn of the 20th century often coordinated their unionization efforts across racial lines. The nature of that coordination has led some scholars to conclude that the seeming interracial union activity was in fact bi-racial: a well-organized plan of parallel concerted activity with coordination and support between the groups, but with a clear divide along racial lines. Under this framework, cooperation was seen less a matter of ideological interracial solidarity among the working class and more a matter of pragmatism so that the working conditions of each distinct group would improve.〔Eric Arnesen, “Biracial Waterfront Unionism” in ''Waterfront Workers'', ed. Calvin Winslow, University of Illinois Press, Chicago (1998) (p. 23).〕 As discussed below, several factors may have allowed bi-racial union efforts to succeed at the port of New Orleans, including (a) the independent strength of the black〔For the sake of consistency throughout, this Article uses the racial descriptors "black" and "white." Other possible descriptors for those groups include Black, African-American, White, and Caucasian. No implication or inference should be drawn as a result of the terms chosen in this Article.〕 unions that compelled whites to enter into collaborative agreements with them; (b) the prior history of racial division or segmentation of labor; (c) the relative power of employers to control jobs; and (d) overall employment relations.〔“Biracial Waterfront Unionism” in ''Waterfront Workers'' (p. 47).〕 Because dock work was generally unskilled (with the notable exception of screwmen) and of a short-term contractual nature, an employer could readily replace workers who refused to bend to the employer’s terms. Black laborers were both numerous and available for work. In this type of competitive market, blacks and whites were pitted against each other by ship owners in an effort to keep wages down: if whites would not work for a lower wage, owners would look to blacks who would.〔“Biracial Waterfront Unionism” in ''Waterfront Workers'' (p. 26).〕 Following this reasoning, “()nly control of the labor supply and solidarity across trade and racial lines could reduce this possibility. That meant that alliances between unions and, most importantly, between black and white unions, were essential to reducing competition between different groups for jobs.”〔“Biracial Waterfront Unionism” in ''Waterfront Workers'' (p. 26).〕 Alliances between the groups allowed both to exercise more control over the terms and conditions of their work, including wage rates and production expectations. Union leaders of both races recognized the difference that an alliance made in those terms and conditions, prompting a pragmatic continuation of the biracial system. ==50-50 or Half-and-Half== New Orleans dockworkers maintained a long-standing tradition known as “50-50” or “half-and-half.” Under this arrangement, both black and white workers insisted that any work crew hired by ship owners be 50% black and 50% white. Workers would labor side by side, performing the same work for the same pay. This was generally seen as a way to prevent employers from undermining one group by playing to the other: both black and white union leaders recognizes that when blacks and whites were hired in alternating groups as they were in the mid-1890s, unions weakened and race riots or other tensions could – and did – flare up.〔Rosenberg, Daniel, ''New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923'' SUNY Press, Albany (1988) (pp. 69, 71); Arnesen, Eric, ''Waterfront Workers of New Orleans: Race, Class, and Politics'' Oxford University Press, New York (1991) (pp. 143-44).〕 In October 1901 the separate black and white unions created a Dock and Cotton Council that overarched unions of black and white screwmen, longshoremen, teamsters, loaders, and other work classifications at the waterfront. Leadership positions on the Council were generally divided according to the 50-50 system, with the presidency and financial secretary position held by white workers and the vice-presidency and corresponding secretary position held by black workers. Committee positions were similarly assigned.〔''New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923'' (p.73).〕 By 1903, the Council oversaw eight separate unions of black and white dockworkers with a total of approximately 10,000 members and helped ensure that all unions adhered to the 50-50 rule.〔''New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923'' (p. 74).〕 Over time, it also assisted the member unions in negotiations with employers and were kept informed of the unions’ organizational and racial relationships. As the overarching union body, the Council was also empowered to call for a general port strike.〔''New Orleans Dockworkers: Race, Labor, and Unionism 1892-1923'' (p. 74).〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「New Orleans dock workers and unionization」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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